Today’s Omnibus vote has rolled over an already perforated cordon sanitaire in the European Parliament. For the first time, the EPP sided with far-right groups on a file key to the Commission’s agenda. Make no mistake: this was no accident and it’s unclear whether the centrist coalition can recover🧵
2) What happened? The first Omnibus package on sustainability reporting and due-diligence rules (CSRD & CSDDD) passed with EPP amendments that only secured a majority thanks to far-right, anti-democratic parties including the AfD, Fidesz, PiS and Rassemblement National.
3) In policy terms, the vote marks a drastic deregulation push out of Parliament that would mean a major climb-down from both existing law and the Commission’s proposal. With many Member States demanding blunt red-tape cutting (Merz 👀), it is doubtful the Council will rein this in during trialogue.
4) In the end, the EPP got its maximalist demands – but at what price?
Far-right forces are celebrating the “end of the cordon sanitaire”, claiming proof they can directly shape the policy outcomes. A dynamic already visible in several Member States, often facilitated by EPP-affiliated parties.
5) Meanwhile, the already fragile “platform” of Conservatives, Socialists, and Liberals meant to carry the agenda of the second von der Leyen Commission now appears more disintegrated than ever. By instrumentalizing far-right votes, the EPP has undermined the trust a centrist coalition depends on.
6) At this point, even technically sound and well-balanced Commission proposals can no longer be sure to survive in Parliament, as there is no reliable centrist majority committed to genuine compromise. Ultimately, this puts the EU’s governability at risk.
7) How did we get to this point? This vote was neither a surprise nor a one-time accident. In about a dozen cases in this legislative period – procedural votes, amendments, resolutions – the EPP already forged majorities with the three far-right groups (ECR, Patriots, ESN).
8) And more than that, the EPP habitually brandishes these alliances as implicit or explicit threats – reminding centrist partners that refusal to yield to its demands could have them sidelined at any time.
Nov 13, 2025 18:059) The Omnibus file followed the same playbook: the initial “compromise” among platform partners – which collapsed a few weeks ago - was already tainted by coercion. EPP negotiator Jörgen Warborn had circulated an alternative text ready to adopt with far-right support.
bsky.app/profile/jann...While the European Council in Brussels took the spotlight, this week's events in Strasbourg should set off alarm bells. The European Parliament slamming the brakes on the first “Omnibus” package isn’t just a hiccup – it’s a symptom of strain in the EU’s democratic engine. A thread 🧵
10) Under pressure, Socialist and Liberal leaderships caved – only for the deal to implode once the far right forced a secret vote, exploiting lingering discontent among centrist camps. This episode should have clearly underlined that coercion and distrust cannot be the base for stable cooperation.
11) Lessons unlearned: Instead of seriously reassessing strategy and changing course, the EPP doubled down. It entered negotiations with S&D, Renew, and Greens while tabling amendments that mirrored its earlier maximalist demands - fully aware these could only pass with far-right support.
12) The result: all rescue attempts in the last days failed as centrist partners could not agree on a genuine compromise. And EPP leader Manfred Weber’s simultaneous public commitment to precisely such compromises and the cordon sanitaire has never sounded hollower.
13) The EPP’s strategic choice of preferring short-term, maximalist policy wins – culminating in the Omnibus vote - will leave a deep strain on Europe’s democratic engine. The limits of informal, trust-based cooperation in today’s Parliament have now been clearly exposed.
14) For Socialists, Renew, and Greens, this vote should mark the moment to insist decisively on a genuine and binding coalition agreement that sets clear red lines and joint positions on the Commission’s agenda. Otherwise, they are poised to remain little more than “opt-in” partners to the EPP.
15) The EPP on the other hand needs to realize that its confidence in its powerful position is misplaced. The European Parliament has always relied on cross-party cooperation. No democratic party without an absolute majority can assume it will realize all its maximalist campaign promises.
16) By continuing to bank on far-right backing, it could soon find itself in an isolated position in the democratic center – becoming dependent on actors fundamentally opposed to European integration and the values the EU stands for. Not the best condition to shape the Union’s future.
